Despite lifelong struggles, Rohingya rights activist Aung Kyaw Moe believes there may be an answer to each problem, even when things are beyond his control.
In June, his persistence led to a turning point when he moved from an advisory position to the position of deputy minister of human rights within the National Unity Government (NUG). His appointment within the exiled civilian administration – running alongside the military junta that ousted democratically elected leaders in a 2021 coup – marks the primary time a Rohingya representative has held a ministerial position in any Myanmar government.
“I believe that no matter what the challenges, you have every opportunity to win,” he said. “It all depends on how to transform yourself from victim to victor.”
Aung Kyaw Moe has been advocating for the rights of the stateless Muslim minority for over a decade. He has over 15 years of experience working in UN agencies and non-governmental organizations in Southeast Asia, Afghanistan and Liberia. He is the winner of several human rights awards, including the distinguished EU Schuman Prize in 2019.
But while he now has influence over the shadow government’s decisions, establishing Rohingya rights in Myanmar isn’t easy. The embattled NUG still has no control over Myanmar territory and faces an authoritarian army that denies Rohingya citizenship and basic rights.
In 2017, Myanmar’s military carried out a brutal crackdown on its largely Muslim majority, pushing greater than 700,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh. Today there are about 1,000,000 Rohingya refugees living in squalid camps with an uncertain future just across the border from their home state of Rakhine in western Myanmar.
The persecution of the Rohingya minority is much more deeply rooted and dates back to approx war and displacement at the tip of the 18th century. Later, post-colonial religious segregation and discrimination resulted in these people being considered illegal immigrants in their very own country. In 1982, the Burmese government officially classified them as “Bengalis”, stripping them of their civil rights and since then forcing them to live without basic human rights.
Born in Rakhine State in 1973, Aung Kyaw Moe witnessed a long time of oppression and violence against the Rohingya people. He began the business as a student when discriminatory policies against his ethnic group seemed increasingly unfair.
“At that time, Rakhine State was an open prison with strict restrictions on movement for people like us,” Aung Kyaw Mow said of his youth. “Inspiration [to work in human rights] got here from hardship and trauma.
Despite growing up with limited educational opportunities because of his Rohingya identity and non secular minority status, Aung Kyaw Moe managed to finish his bachelor’s degree in Yangon. However, further education in Burma was not an option.
“[As a Rohingya] To truly turn out to be who you would like and have an influence on others, you might have to beat the double layer of discrimination,” he said. “I then started looking for alternative ways to achieve my goals.”
He then obtained a master’s degree from Deakin University in Australia. He later participated in leadership programs through the United States Institute of Peace and the Dalai Lama Community.
Facing threats to his security because of the character of his support for the Rohingya, Aung Kyaw Moe also repeatedly fled Burma and separated from relations as early as 1992, with some staying in Rakhine and others fleeing to Rangoon or neighboring Bangladesh . Despite the difficulties, he continued his activities while within the country and abroad, testifying about atrocities before the UN Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court.
“It’s not very acceptable to me.[…]We could have saved him from death.”
Aung Kyaw Moe, talking about his older brother
But his decisions also forced him to take a robust stance on cutting ties. Aung Kyaw Moe has not contacted his close relations for years to make sure their anonymity and safety from persecution.
This won’t have been enough. Unknown perpetrators murdered his older brother Than Myint in June near a mosque in Rangoon. Aung Kyaw Moe believes the killers are likely linked to extremist groups linked to the military government.
“He was just a simple man who made a living from the small pharmacy he ran,” he said of his brother.
Although Than Myint insisted that his younger brother mustn’t worry about his safety, Aung Kyaw Moe stated that he was all the time frightened about him.
“This is hardly acceptable to me because I could have done a lot to persuade him to move to another country, at least Thailand,” he said. “We could have saved him from dying.”
But his brother wasn’t his only loss. Aung Kyaw Moe also lost his father in 2012. His father was arrested and shortly after his release, he contracted an illness that left him paralyzed. When he was unable to receive treatment in local hospitals, his family took him to Bangladesh, where he received only palliative care until he felt strong enough to cross the border back to Burma.
However, Aung Kyaw Moe stated that the return to the country was disastrous – just a couple of steps on Burmese soil were enough for his father to fear being arrested again a lot that he immediately died of a heart attack.
“It was a great loss for me,” Aung Kyaw Moe recalls. “I couldn’t go to the funeral because of the restrictions on my movement and my activity.”
Despite suffering and hardship, the activist’s first-hand accounts of the crises the Rohingya face have drawn global attention to their plight.
According to him, some of the controversial decisions in the method was whether to affix the NUG three years ago as the primary Rohingya adviser in parliament on human rights. Criticism got here from some Rohingya commentators who believed it was merely a symbolic gesture to the international community.
However, Aung Kyaw Moe maintains his commitment, seeing it as a stepping stone towards the long run of the Rohingya people.
“We belong to Burma and we are part of this country,” he assured. “No matter what happens to us, we do not want to be observers or spectators at this historic moment. We will contribute in whatever capacity we can.”
He sees the inclusion of a Rohingya representative within the exile cabinet as a step towards giving the community a voice in decisions affecting its fate. Aung Kyaw Moe is now well-positioned to shape policy discussions on key issues, including the protected return of refugees and the return of lost lands and property, in addition to constitutional reforms to make sure full citizenship and political representation for the Rohingya.
Regardless, Aung Kyaw Moe expresses hope that these goals and more could be achieved through peaceful civil disobedience.
“I am a person who has scars and I know pain enough to understand the suffering of others,” he said. Because he has passed through similar experiences as one other Rohingya member of the family, he believes that in his latest role as NUG’s deputy minister of human rights, he’ll have the option to raised empathize with society.
“I’ll work for the great of my nation,” he said. “Now the responsibility rests on my shoulders to make this plan a reality despite… all the political turmoil and changing political landscape in Burma.”
