To vote or to not vote. This is the dilemma faced by young voters in Cambodia ahead of the upcoming elections scheduled for July 23.
“I actually have to go away, nevertheless it’s not because I would like to,” said Nget Phorn, 24, a Buddhist monk and member of the NGO Youth for Social Development and Democracy (YSDD). “Even though there isn’t as big an opposition party as there used to be, we don’t want any villagers [neighbours] observe and ask, “Why doesn’t this guy go vote?”
With almost two-thirds of its residents under the age of 30, Cambodia is one in all Asia’s youngest countries. Most of the population saw just one person in power – Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled the country for 38 years and is currently preparing a dynastic transfer of power to his eldest son, military commander Hun Manet.
As the general public prepares for the overall election, a hand-picked contest wherein the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) is predicted to win a landslide victory over the closely monitored opposition, young voters who spoke for the primary time Globe showed little enthusiasm. More than a dozen young people said they felt social pressure to vote for his or her ideal political leader, although they felt they didn’t really have a selection.
The Cambodian government has long encouraged the event of enormous, officially sanctioned youth groups that would form a reliable bloc of fresh support for the CPP. Politically conscious youth outside this technique said that they had their very own motivations for voting, corresponding to a brand new law prohibiting nonvoters from running for office in the longer term, but were otherwise uninspired.
“I think nothing will change after the 2023 elections except the transfer of power from father to son,” said Kuy Chetra, a 22-year-old student and YSDD member. “Furthermore, there is no youth policy in the upcoming seventh term of national elections. So the question is: why do we go to vote if there is no youth policy?”
In May, the National Electoral Commission disqualified the essential opposition Candlelight Party on account of formal requirements. In the 2022 national municipal elections, wherein voters elect local representatives, the party won roughly 22% of the favored vote. Although 17 other smaller parties will participate on this 12 months’s elections, these groups combined for lower than 5% of the vote last 12 months.
A number of weeks after Candlelight’s rejection, the National Assembly approved an amendment to the electoral law that prohibits residents from disrupting voting or encouraging others to boycott voting. The law was already used to rushing to forestall opposition supporters from making a silent protest against disqualification arrest 4 Candlelight officials.
Before the elections, said the scholars Globe This KPP representatives gave short lectures in university classrooms, “teaching” students how you can mark the proper box on the ballot. A student receiving a government scholarship who asked to talk anonymously for fear of losing funding said he feels increased pressure to side with the ruling party to avoid being deprived of its financial support.
Another diplomacy student on the Royal University of Phnom Penh, who also asked that his name be withheld for fear of repercussions, said he didn’t plan to vote.

“These elections are unfair,” the scholar said. “We are forced to vote for someone we did not actually choose. And even if I voted for a smaller opposition party, it would have no chance of gaining enough seats in parliament to make a real difference.”
Candlelight’s sudden removal from this 12 months’s elections sparked global criticism over the fairness of the upcoming elections and outrage from local civil society. Although he intended to vote, Phorn, the young monk, didn’t see much promise within the variety of parties participating within the vote.
“Many parties are participating in these elections, but their strength is not balanced enough to compete [with the ruling party],” he said. “I want to see a competition between the two fighters [or more] party and an open atmosphere in which people can fully exercise their right to vote and choose their leader.”
Still, due partly to a commitment to fulfilling a social responsibility to elect leaders or otherwise under community pressure, most students surveyed selected to vote despite concerns a couple of climate of political pressure.
Groups just like the YSDD grew after the 1993 UN-led elections, but were increasingly marginalized within the governance process. Instead, youth participation in Cambodian politics has been present organized in a top-down system. organizations that officially deny any guerrilla agenda but function a pipeline for the ruling elite.
“Historically, large youth movements have always been affiliated with the government, while other smaller movements have had little influence or influence [after 1993]” said Astrid Norén-Nilsson, a researcher on Cambodian politics and senior lecturer at Lund University in Sweden.
These essential groups include the Union of Youth Federations of Cambodia (UYFC), the Cambodian Red Cross and the Cambodian Scouts. All are registered non-governmental organizations but are affiliated with the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, Norén-Nilsson said, and have long been seen because the unofficial youth wings of the CPP.


The UYFC had an estimated 120,000 members in 2018 and is led by Hun Many, the prime minister’s son and a CPP lawmaker.
While these groups have deeper roots, the federal government has been pushing for his or her expansion for the reason that early 2010s, Norén-Nilsson explained.
“The Ministry of Education set a quota for each group and sent the list to schools to recruit enough young people to join each organization,” she said. “Some of these people have become very important in a really short time, for example in ministries. These groups constituted a transition platform [for the youths] start a political career.”
However, many young Cambodians prefer to avoid partisan politics.
For first-year law student Ream Sreypichrothana (19), that is his first vote. Now she is searching for answers to long-troubled questions on the electoral process.
“I always wondered why there was only one party and no main opposition,” she said. “I’m particularly all in favour of how the 2023 elections end up. I’m aware that [Candlelight Party] he couldn’t enter the competition. This atmosphere is unacceptable for young people.”
Sreypichrothana, a member of one other group, the Youth Resource Development Program (YRDP), believes that young people can exert influence in a democratic way by actively engaging in social issues, caring for one another and dealing together to demand their rights.
“We need to train, think critically and have a positive impact on society. “By actively participating in social issues, following the news and speaking the truth without fear, the influence of youth will be passed on to the next generation,” she said.


After talking to her peers on the table, she decided to vote, although “there are not any free and fair elections.”
While some young people may select to not formally vote, many have their very own political strategy of using the web to interact on social issues, says Ou Virak, founder and president of local independent think tank Future Forum.
“They are active yet secretive, which shows that they are actually participating in the political process and want to have a say in their country’s political decisions,” said Virak, who has been working with young adults for a decade.
“Just because they do not participate in a proper vote does not imply they do not participate within the political process,” he added. “If they don’t take it to the streets, it doesn’t mean they aren’t shaping their future or aren’t interested in change.”
Some young people may decide to be optimistic about voting itself. Soung Pichchanbormey, 21, looks on the brighter side.
“I actually have heard concerning the complaints. But I imagine we still have a selection,” she said. “There are 18 games. We have to have a look at the policies of all sides and easily select the one which interests us.”
Pichchanbormey believed that even a number of representatives of small opposition parties in parliament could make a difference.
“There will be dialogue and small parties will be able to participate in political decisions affecting our country,” she said, adding that small changes are the important thing to long-term development.






