But essentially the most striking change stands out as the view of Myanmar’s majority Buddhist population toward its military: the once-despised institution has grown in popularity with the rise of nationalism that has accompanied a crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in western Burma’s Rakhine state that has left hundreds dead and greater than 650,000 displaced. .
While much of the skin world is outraged by what U.N. and U.S. officials have called “ethnic cleansing” that has became Asia’s worst refugee crisis in many years, many in Myanmar support it. They see the Rohingya as illegal migrants from Bangladesh who pose a threat to national security, and so they bristle with international condemnation of rights abuses.
Watch: What is driving the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar?
This includes Nyo Tun, who claims that in interrogation he was beaten, slapped, and was denied food, water and access to a bathroom for a lot of days.
“The military dictatorship was a thing of the past and the new military institution is completely different,” he said, adding that the military was unlikely to commit atrocities in Rakhine. “[They are] defending the country and in this manner they get support from the people since it is about national spirit for everybody.”
[They are] defending the country and thus gaining the support of the people
Thousands of individuals gathered in cities across the country to support the soldiers, known locally because the Tatmadaw. Commander-in-Chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who’s constitutionally outside the control of Suu Kyi’s government, is repeatedly praised by the general public on his official Facebook page.
In November, the military said an internal investigation had acquitted its forces of atrocity charges. But citing credible evidence of mass murders, rapes and the burning of villages, the United States announced last month that it had imposed sanctions on Maj. Gen. Maung Maung Soe, who until recently was the pinnacle of the military’s Western Command answerable for security operations in Rakhine.
“Long live the army and the commander-in-chief,” wrote one recent Facebook comment. “The army has done well for the country, we are very proud of it,” said one other. “Thank you for clearing all Bengali terrorists,” read one other.
Such praise was not only unheard of under the previous junta, it was virtually not possible. The junta isolated the country from outsiders for many years, and its residents weren’t allowed to observe international news, let alone access the Internet. People were banned from speaking about politics and gatherings.
The military is embroiled in civil wars with ethnic rebels fighting for self-determination and indigenous rights. On rare occasions when frustration spilled over into attempted pro-democracy uprisings – akin to in 1988 and 2007 – the military responded with overwhelming force, leaving tons of dead or imprisoned.
“The Tatmadaw has gone from being the most hated institution to experiencing a renaissance, at least among Burma’s ethnic population,” said David Mathieson, an independent political analyst who previously worked with Human Rights Watch. “But this curious adoration comes from a dark place.”
After his defeat within the 2015 elections, when voters sent a transparent message that they might not tolerate military rule, the military focused on its “winning formula of violence and denigration of the Rohingya and ethnic insurgents,” he said. They even have a “thin facade” of democratic credibility provided by Suu Kyi’s government.
The transition to democracy “is working great for them because the memory of the past of repression fades in society,” he said.
Most disturbing to many observers is the support the military has received from activists and former political prisoners who once agitated for the international community to assist remove the generals from power. They now preach the gospel of nationalism and sovereignty.
“Due to international pressure and criticism, the people of Burma are much more united within the face of nationalism, and the national spirit is starting to strengthen in society, because this just isn’t only a mere coincidence, but concerns the history and politics of our country,” said Ko Ko Gyi, one other former prisoner political.
Watch: Rohingya rape survivors share their stories
Instead of finding solidarity with the oppressed Rohingya, some have grow to be embroiled in fanaticism against them. They label international reports of widespread rape and killings as “fake news.”
“Look at the appearance of Bengalis, their language, religion and facial appearance. How is rape possible?” Nyo Tun said. “And now the world is putting pressure on us to accept over a million of them. This is nationalism. How can we accept such people? We can not do this.”
Some former political prisoners believe that their colleagues have lost their way.
“Many people are exploited by the army,” said Sithu Maung, a former student activist who spent greater than 4 years in prison. “We have difficulties defining ethnic minority groups and the existence of minorities, and these problems cannot be solved overnight. But no human rights activist should ever remain silent on any human rights violations, no matter what kind of people suffer.”
Mathieson said the newfound popularity for the military could also be fleeting.
“When people slowly realize that the military still has not budged on any democratic or constitutional reform, or that their extremely brutal behavior in Rakhine State has isolated the country and pushed Myanmar back into China’s arms, resentment may return,” he said. .
This article appeared within the print edition of the South China Morning Post as: The “reformed” army is growing in popularity within the face of repression
