While reflecting the worldwide rise of nationalism from the United States to China to India to Europe, Thailand’s brand is rooted within the royal family, the barracks and the “yellow” camp that has for many years opposed the “red” of deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. supporters.
The term “Chung-Chart” was first popularized by Warong Dechgitvigrom, a senior figure within the Democratic Party, the old establishment party that suffered defeat within the March elections.
“I see it as liberalism that destroys traditions and monarchy while claiming to be democratic,” Warong said. “We have to fight them with ideology. The New Right is a political ideology.”
The Prime Minister of Thailand doesn’t respect the structure he ordered to be drawn up
The Prime Minister of Thailand doesn’t respect the structure he ordered to be drawn up
Groups and individuals claiming to act on behalf of the palace and armed forces also say they receive no direct support from these institutions. Government spokeswoman Narumon Pinyosinwat declined to comment on the matter and said Thailand was a free country.
“The military just isn’t behind any group,” defense ministry spokesman Kongcheep Tantravanich said. “The military does not support anyone involved in activities outside parliament.”
A palace official declined to comment.
But the strident nationalists’ messages are largely according to those of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, former junta leader and armed forces chief Apirat Kongsompong, who described Thailand as fighting a “hybrid war” against enemies of tradition.
During March elections, which were held under rules widely seen as favoring establishment parties, 40-year-old tycoon Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit’s recent Future Forward party made significant gains by promising to alter the army-drafted structure, end conscription and cut army budgets.
Pro-Prayuth parties have just formed a unifying alliance, Future Forward, with the primary party linked to Thaksin Shinawatra.
“We have disrupted their equation and now we are targeted,” said Future Forward spokeswoman Pannika Wanich, referring to former junta officials and their supporters who remained in power. “In addition to using the state’s legal mechanisms to weaken us, it is also trying to undermine our popularity and credibility on social media.”
The election’s aftermath was characterised by growing anger in parliament and on social media.
“Both sides are getting stronger and stronger,” said Kasit Piromya, once seen because the inflammatory leader of the pro-establishment Yellow Shirts but who left the Democratic Party after its decision to support Prayuth. “I think the trains are colliding.”
The use of social media aimed toward young people was widely credited with helping Future Forward: the party has greater than 800,000 followers on Facebook compared with lower than 142,000 for the pro-military Palang Pracharat party.
Although Future Forward’s posts give attention to political issues, supporters often mock Prayuth and other leaders with memes that portray them as out of touch with reality.
“They wish to destroy the Thai system and alter it to the Marxist-socialist system of the ‘Chung-Chart’ gang,” says Top Secret Thai, a Facebook page that has almost 500,000 followers and appeals to liberals.
The Thai palace publishes rare photos of the king’s wife
The Thai palace publishes rare photos of the king’s wife
Many members of the brand new right accuse their opponents of searching for to finish the monarchy – something that might be illegal in Thailand and which opposition politicians have repeatedly denied.
For right-wingers, social media may also be a source of ammunition for legal battles.
Songklod “Pukem” Chuenchoopol, 54, a retired army captain and founding father of the right-wing “Thai Wisdom Guard,” spends much of his day trying to find evidence to bring a case under the stringent Computer Crimes Act or other laws.
“It’s psychological warfare,” Songklod said, describing a recent case he filed against greater than 100 people for sharing a post he deemed critical of the Constitutional Court.
Members of Prayuth’s Palang Pracharat party have also filed legal complaints, under a system through which police typically investigate all such cases.
Thanathorn and senior party members are coping with at the very least 22 cases brought by individuals. One of the cases for which he could also be expelled from politics concerns Thanathorn’s alleged ownership of shares in a media company at first of the election campaign.
Some elected opposition politicians have launched their very own legal counterattacks against their opponents.
All right-wing leaders say they reject violence, but activists and opposition activists accuse them of at the very least encouraging an environment of confrontation.
Opposition activist Sirawith “Ja New” Seritiwat (27) was attacked in June right outside his home by people wearing motorcycle helmets. He barely lost consciousness and was taken to intensive care.
No responsibility has been claimed for the attack, certainly one of seven targeting activists for the reason that March 24 elections.
At least six exiled Thai activists who lived in neighboring Laos have gone missing since December. All those that disappeared spoke out against the military and the monarchy.
The Thai government said it had no knowledge of any disappearances of dissidents abroad.
“I think the hate has become more intense and the elite has incited more hate,” Sirawith said. “Those who disagree with this become enemies of the state and are accused of wanting to overthrow the monarchy, even though they do not do so.”
Many right-wing leaders – in addition to the military chief – say they think attacks just like the one on Sirawith are a “rip-up” to learn the opposition. The mood amongst supporters of nationalism on social media is sharper:
“Let him bleed for four to five days, just for fun,” wrote one Facebook commenter in regards to the attack on Sirawith.
Another wrote: “What a shame, it ought to be harder.”
